Category Archives: Korean Translation Blog

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Korean Translation of North Korea – A Broken Country

When Mr. Kim who work for Korean translation London, discusses what daily life is like in North Korea, it is important to first note that there are three North Koreas: the high officialdom, the Pyongyang elite, and everyone else.

korean to english translation by native korean translators
The first North Korea revolves around the sheltered, opulent life of high officials of the regime. These lucky few live in palatial residences, watch South Korean broadcasts and CNN on their big- screen LCD TVs, and travel to Japan and China frequently on shopping and tourist jaunts. While numbering only a few hundred people, these aristocrats live a very different life from their compatriots. They consist of a few dozen former Manchurian freedom fighters who helped Kim Il-sung build the state after 1945 and somehow outlived him, along with a few dozen more of Kim’s extended family members (including in- laws and their extended families) who control the different apparatuses of the state—the security services, the intelligence services, the army, and the senior ministries.

  • While they enjoy the same creature comforts as the average citizen of Seoul, these people spend their working lives overseeing one of the most brutal dictatorships the world has ever known. It’s their job to make sure that the trains run on time, that the mines run by prison labor keep producing, and that any enemies of the state they might find get executed.  Working underneath the aristocracy is the second North Korea: the clerks, party workers, and apparatchiks who live in Pyongyang according to our Korean translation services.
  • This city’s 3 million residents (those who don’t belong to the aforementioned regime ruling class) are the favored elite of the Korean Workers Party, the military, and the regime. That means, for the most part, that they and their families are spared from starvation. Some of them even get some of the few perks available in North Korea, including washing machines, foreign clothing, and even hair salon appointments. And then there is the rest of North Korea. Some 20 million strong, these people live in North Korea’s other cities (Nampo and Hamhung are the other two largest cities in North Korea, followed by a handful of small cities that would probably be called towns in most countries) and – the vast majority of them – in the rural villages that dot the landscape of modern North Korea.
  • The exact number of North Koreans isn’t known with confidence. The best we can do is to suggest a range of between 23 million and 25 million people. One of the reasons the numbers are unclear is because of the huge famine that rocked the country in 1996 and 1997. Starvation and misery were so extreme that some people ate grass to survive. Experts still disagree strongly over whether 250,000 people died (that’s the official government death toll) or if the number is as high as 2 million, as some nongovernmental organizations claim.

However many North Koreans there are, we do know a few things about them. Most of them live in concrete housing structures built in the 1960s and 1970s. Each house tends to hold an entire extended family, where everyone sleeps on straw mats on the floor, just as was done throughout the peninsula until rising standards of living caused the Southerners to flee to urban apartments throughout the 1960s and onward (where they often still sleep on futon- like mats on the floor).
Each house tends to have a walled- in courtyard, where dwell a few chickens and maybe, if the family is lucky, a pig. Outside the house, and in any other available scrap of land nearby, the family cultivates a garden that supplies them with much of their own vegetables and cabbage for kimchi, the fundamental Korean food made out of pickled cabbage and eaten as an appetizer and in combination with the main course, as well as a little extra that can be sold in the nearest market towns for pocket change.

Most families belong to the local agricultural collective, which manages the rice fields throughout the country. This centralized farming apparatus is essentially owned by the state and requires the citizens of the countryside to spend a few days each month helping out with such labor- intensive processes as planting, flooding, and harvesting. The last process is a national event, bringing all the local people as well as army conscripts and Pyongyang citizens out into the countryside for a massive rice harvesting extravaganza.

As Segem Consulting, a Korean translation company, knows well, all members of the collective get a small portion of the harvest, which they store for use throughout the year. In previous decades, almost every citizen’s food was provided by the state in the form of monthly rations, called the Public Distribution System. However, in recent years, private gardening has become so successful that most North Koreans get the bulk of their nutrition from their own gardens or from produce bought at the free enterprise markets. A recent trend in gardening is to cultivate plots of land in the mountains (most North Koreans live in fertile valleys ringed by uninhabited mountain ranges) with barley, corn, and millet. The average North Korean now gets a daily nutrition load of approximately 1,100 kilocalories, which is one- third of the average calorie load of the American citizen, and roughly comparable to the calories consumed by the average sub- Saharan African or Indian.

To some degree, North Korea has become a welfare state in the sense that close to a third of its food comes in the form of free aid given to it by the United States, Japan, South Korea, and China, with the latter being the largest provider of aid. This aid comes in the form of cereals (used mostly as livestock feed), some rice, and large shipments of nitrogenous fertilizers as our Korean translators expected.

A unique aspect of North Korean food consumption is the tradition of going into the mountains during the autumn to hunt for traditional foods such as wild mushrooms and roots. Although this practice magnified dramatically during the famines of the late 1990s, it is still commonly done, even by Pyongyang citizens, more as a cultural tradition (a tradition that used to be observed in the South also, before it was discontinued) than as a hunger-coping mechanism. Besides food, most North Koreans receive almost all of their necessities from the state. Each citizen is issued two outfits (a summer version and a winter version made out of thicker material) and a pair of shoes, all of which are made out of Vinalon, a polyvinyl material that was claimed to have been invented in North Korea. In fact, it was discovered by a Korean scientist who lived in Japan in the 1930s. Actually, one of our Korean translators came from Hamhung. The material, most of which is made in an enormous factory in Hamhung, is stiff, shiny, and notoriously uncomfortable for anyone who has worn anything else.

North Korean children attend school from an early age and most children complete some form of secondary school. The nation’s universities are the breeding ground for the elite of Pyongyang. Their most noticeable attribute is the perfectly equal number of females and males in the classes.

Although there are more than 1.2 million phone lines in North Korea, most of those are for strictly military or government office use. Cell phones were illegal until 2008, although many thousands of them were used illicitly in the northern part of the country, where callers roam on the nearby Chinese networks. In late 2008, the country’s first cell phone network was launched by the Egyptian company Orascom, and it quickly garnered some 6,000 subscribers. Again, most of those users belonged to the Pyongyang elite. Several million people have black- and- white television sets that are locally produced and hardwired for the country’s only channel – a twenty- four- hour news station, courtesy of the Korean Central Broadcasting Agency.

Three Essential Aspects You Need to Know When You Hire Korean Translation Services

Three Essential Aspects of Top Quality Korean Translation Services

Before You Hire a Korean Translation Company

There are three important aspects to consider when you hire Korean translation services.

  1. Translator Competence
    Korean translators’ quality and performance is essential to accurate Korean translation, which is a key to a successful project. In case of Korean to English translation, a native English translator who is fluent in Korea is better.
    In case of English to Korean translation, a native Korean is recommended. All Korean translators in Segem Consulting are bilingual translators. Moreover, they have a deep understanding of both Western and Korean culture. Because of this we are confident that we provide not only accurate translations but also natural translations.
  2. Continuing Quality
    Segem Consulting’s top priority is translation quality, speed and consistency. Simple quality translation services are not enough for us – we provide quality translation services continually so that our repeat customers are happy with us all the time.
    As your content is important to us, we do our best to deliver accurate and complete translations. Because of our consistency in Korean translation quality, we have many repeat customers. Whether it is a technical translation or a simple personal letter, we deliver consistent quality.
  3. Team Continuity
    We use computer aided translation system so that we can deliver the best results possible. By using this system, we manage to maintain team continuity. It is true some Korean translators come and go. Therefore, using a consistent terms are not always possible to conventional Korean translation companies.
    Segem Consulting avoids this problem, which can cause inconsistent Korean translation results, by using a consistent memory translation strategy. We ensure that the best results are delivered to our customers.

Why Segem Consulting’s Korean Translation Services Are Best

Segem Consulting’s, the Best Korean Translation Services, can:

  • meet your deadline and budget.
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Three Essential Aspects You Need to Know When You Hire Korean Translation Services

Instant Korean Translation – Is It a Dream?

Korean translation is many things. It is insufficient, excessive, contingent, temporally bound, iterative, different. It is, as many people in the post- structuralistic tradition have acknowledged, impossible, and at the same time necessary. It is not – can never be – perfect, instant or redundant. And yet, as I will argue here, all three of these  qualifiers are associated with the way in which document ‘dreams’ translation. Let me begin with two apparently throwaway remarks.

The first remark is one made by Kim and Lee, famous Korean translation scholars, in relation to the difficulty of translating Korean language, which are notoriously often the objects of recreation and sometimes misinterpretation.

‘Perfect translation’, they say, ‘is in the best of circumstances a virtual impossibility’. The over-determined nature of this statement invites attention. The reference to a ‘perfect Korean translation’ is taken from Don Lee. In After Babel, Lee describes the ‘perfect act of Korean translation’ as a translation which adds nothing to and subtracts nothing from the source text:

A ‘perfect’ act of translation would be one of total synonymity. It would presume an interpretation so precisely exhaustive as to leave no single unit in the source text –phonetic, grammatical, semantic, contextual – out of complete account, and yet so calibrated as to have added nothing in the way of paraphrase, explication or variant.

Lee speaks in the conditional, which paradoxically has the effect of making the impossible ‘perfect’ Korean translation more accessible than if he had simply used the present. Shohat and Stam rightly observe that a ‘core of mutual incommensurability’ will always remain. Korean translation and Korean interpreting is the same in this respect.

Korean language translation should become a ‘dynamic process of cultural recoding, a change in the form of linguistic energy’. And yet, their triple rhetorical return to the scene of ‘perfect translation’ in the ‘best of circumstances’, which is only a ‘virtual impossibility’, not an absolute one, testifies to the resilience of the concept of the ideal translation which will convey the text, the whole text and nothing but the text.

This could seem rather quibbling, but for the extent to which Shohat and Stam’s remark plays into a deeply rooted dream of perfect Korean translation which has been recurrent through literary criticism, if less so in translation studies since the 1970s. Discussing translations of Ulysses, the Joyce scholar Fritz Senn remarks wistfully that ‘no translation can be expected to give us the full orchestration of Joyce’s novel’. He goes on to suggest, again by means of a wistful conditional, that ‘it would be a unique stroke of luck if a Korean translator could achieve the same depth and richness’ as the original English document. Senn does not suspect for one minute that the ‘perfect’ translation of Joyce exists (few know better than he that it cannot, and should not), but the concept acts as a kind of tertium comparationis for his reflections as it does for Lee’s. For Lee, the perfect Korean language translation is ‘in practice … possible neither at the stage of interpretation nor at that of Korean linguistic transfer and restatement’.

The key phrase is ‘in practice’. In theory, even if not in ‘theory’, the perfect translation is alive and well. Even the recognition of its impossibility, rehearsed here, only reinforces its hold on the imagination.

The second remark which struck me was made by Shin on the commentary to He Lies Here (2004), a novel whose plot centres on the kidnap of a child in Korea and the revenge meted out by her bodyguard. In the course of the commentary Shin describes the research he carried out for the Korean novel, which included meeting a Korean kidnap survivor and her mother. An interpreter was involved in the discussion, because the mother did not speak English:

it was just such a traumatic experience just sitting in the same room and the mom didn’t speak English, she spoke Korean language with a Korean interpreter, but I just, I didn’t have to listen to the interpreter, I just looked into the mom’s eyes and sat and talked to her daughter. The imaginary ideal of a perfect translation is what makes Korean-language-oriented translation approaches so resilient in everyday discourse, even in the face of a generalised shift by theoreticians of Korean translation towards functional approaches whose main criterion is acceptability to a target audience.

Its obverse is the lack of need for translation – not, as one might think, in the form of multilingual competence, but in the form of the moment of instantaneous human communication which transcends language, and which Shin recalls in his description of a traumatised woman whose words need no interpreting because he can understand everything he needs from her just by looking at her face.

Aleida Assmann has considered some of the manifestations of ‘visions of universalism’ in which ‘the shattered unity of Korean language is restored’. Though the search for a real ‘perfect language’ is now a matter of history, Assmann’s statement that ‘we are no longer in the grip of these visions’ seems rather a sweeping one. The dream of a perfect language, Benjamin’s ‘reine Sprache’, has been displaced, rather than dismissed.

We hear its echo in a range of discourses, from K Kim dismissing the difficulties of working with Korean translators in several languages as insignificant, to the texts of novels such as The Korean Interpreter. For Kim’s The Korean Interpreter, the tagline used for one poster was ‘The Truth Needs No Translation’ – a rather surprising statement, given the novel’s ostensible subject matter, but in fact one which well reflects the (un)importance of interpreting to the novel’s narration. The King and Sarang, released three years after Lost in Translation and written in the same city, alludes epi-textually to its predecessor through the tagline: ‘On the streets of Seoul, speed needs no translation’, positioning itself as a supra-linguistic kinetic spectacle in opposition to Sofia Coppola’s existential Korean translated novel.

Korean Translation of English Comments in Films by Korean Translators

Korean Translation of Comments – Introduction

Regarding Korean translation, I will investigate to what extent linguistic simplification affects the domain of politeness phenomena in subtitles, focusing on the Korean translation of compliments, which are culturally-constrained speech acts. The process of simplification at work in subtitles supposedly concerns the elements that can be recovered through non-linguistic communicative channels or those that are less directly connected with the performance of the referential function and are instead linked to the area of expressivity, for example, terms of address, discourse markers, politeness formulae, reformulations and the like.

Compliments are speech acts that are primarily aimed at maintaining, enhancing or supporting the addressee’s face, which is very difficult to translate from English to Korean. More specifically, compliments are used for a variety of reasons: to express admiration or approval of someone’s work/appearance/taste; to establish/ confirm/maintain solidarity; to replace greetings/gratitude/apologies/ congratulations; to soften face-threatening acts such as apologies, requests and criticism; to open and sustain conversation; to reinforce desired behaviour.

Compliment-giving and responding behaviour are used to negotiate social identities and relations. Consequently, inappropriate choice of responses can lead to a loss of face. On the basis of several socio-pragmatic studies of Korean translation, it is evident that speech acts are subject to cultural and sociolinguistic variations. So, apart from macroscopic cultural and linguistic differences in the giving and accepting of compliments, some interesting changes can also be observed across age and gender.

After briefly describing compliments, this chapter investigates how they are translated in the subtitled Korean translated DVD versions of various British/US films - Bend it like Beckham (Gurinder Chadha, 2002); Sliding Doors (Peter Howitt, 1998); Mickey Blue Eyes (Kelly Makin, 1999); Philadelphia (Jonathan Demme, 1993); Shallow Hal (Farrelly Brothers, 2002); There’s Something about Mary (Farrelly Brothers, 1998); Tootsie (Sydney Pollack, 1982) and if/ how what is expunged can be recovered from the non-linguistic communicative channels.

Korean Translation of Compliments in Discourse

Even though compliments in English can serve a plurality of functions in different contexts, there is widespread agreement on their nature as ‘social lubricants’, that is, strategies that aim to establish or reaffirm common ground, mutuality or social solidarity. Often compliments – or the compliment event if we also mean to include the response to the compliment – are quite independent from the linguistic environment in which they occur, i.e. Korean translation of English films, although they are frequently related to the topic of the exchange.

They can also be an unrelated insertion in a conversation, a sort of aside comment which has no evident link with Korean translation. This independence makes them suitable tools to use in opening sequences such as greetings or in thanks.

Verbal Translating English into Korean – A Closer Look at the Translation of Spoken Language

Research on the linguistic aspects of verbal translation has mainly focussed on the Korean translation of general aspects such as synchronisation, social and geographic variation and transfer errors. Korean researchers have also investigated morphosyntactic and lexical phenomena of the spoken Korean language in Korean translated or interpreted films, although systematic quantitative analyses are rarely available. Little is thus known about the degree to which the spoken Korean language filters into translated Korean film scripts, with some studies suggesting in fact that dubbed languages are placed closer to a ‘neutral’, uniform (formal) standard as they fail to portrait important areas of sociolinguistic variation.

In a different framework, for the past 20 years, Korean linguists have carried out research on spoken language, thus outlining a profile of spontaneous oral Korean and providing quantitative data on crucial features such as syntactic complexity and marked word orders. Investigations have been extended to the so-called ‘simulated spoken Korean’ of Korean films and TV series.

A quantitative analysis comparing original Korean productions to Korean translations from English has been carried out, comparing episodes taken from US and Korean TV series. The results show systematic simplifications in translations as opposed to original productions and a shift toward a ‘neutral’ standard Korean. Finally, a descriptive analysis has been conducted on the Korean of contemporary original TV series, which shows the filtering of many features of spontaneous spoken Korean into this type of simulated oral language. There is thus ground for systematic comparisons between contemporary dubbed Korean and both spontaneous spoken Korean and original simulated spoken Korean.

I start from the assumption that in translated as well as in original film dialogue similarities to real dialogue exchanges must be present if viewers are to be drawn into the fictional world portrayed on  the screen. To which degree such truthfulness is achieved and, more feasibly, which features are involved deserve quantitative and qualitative in-depth investigation in line with recent approaches within  both linguistics and translation studies. As already pointed out, by stressing a shift toward the written mode, neutralisation and increase in formality level, research in dubbing has often undermined orality in translated films. On the other hand, similarities to the spoken language are at least as relevant as differences for a full characterisation of dubbed languages and a better understanding of the underlying translation processes.

Drawing on such premises, it is hypothesised that the Korean of films translated from English is placed within a specific sociolinguistic space of Korean, with some spoken features being used as carriers of orality, not randomly but with a degree of consistency and regularity.

A quantitative overview is presented of selected phenomena of spoken Korean typically associated with the constraints and situational factors of face-to-face communication as they are reflected in five Korean translations of widely known US and British films: Dead Man Walking (Tim Robbins, 1995), Secrets and Lies (Mike Leigh, 1996), Sliding Doors (Peter Howitt, 1998), Notting Hill (Roger Michell, 1999) and Finding Forrester (Gus Van Sant, 2000). Results are discussed primarily in terms of the comparison with the norms of spontaneous spoken Korean and, when possible, simulated spoken Korean, thus providing an initial step for wider as well as more detailed analyses.

Korean translation and localization services

How to Estimate ROI of Korean Translation and Localisation

This article discusses the return on investment (ROI) of localisation (translation) from Korean to English and from English to Korean, which we define as the process of adapting and including translation of software, products, documentation, or Web sites to Korean or English speaking market needs. The efforts of localisation into Korean cost a small fraction of the international revenue they generate. Nonetheless, most firms in the United States underfund their localisation budgets.

In this article we recount focused research into the localisation practices of 50 U.S. companies. We introduce a step-by-step process for measuring and ensuring the ROI of Korean localisation projects, considering a wide range of standard business paybacks and offer formulas for calculating returns. Practitioners can draw on the experiences of others and on these metrics to demonstrate shareholder value to corporate budgeters mindful of post-Enron accounting scrutiny. We define return on investment as follows:

ROI is a multi-variable, time-variant calculation that will be made by many participants in a value chain. A comprehensive view of ROI should capture the broader range of economic benefits that companies expect from their international investments – including increases in sales and market share, goodwill from better localized branding, lower support costs due to in-language information, and increased customer service and loyalty.

Korean translation and localization services

Korean localisation advocates and practitioners should internalise three bits of data:

  • Disproportionate profits derive from international markets. Business originating outside domestic markets comprises 40 percent of assets at large companies, but accounts for 45 percent of corporate profits.
    This favourable ratio should factor into either-or decisions as companies decide where to invest limited corporate resources.
  • Big international payouts require competitive offerings. Revenue generated outside the country accounts for 20 to more than 50 percent of the total revenue in many market segments in which Fortune 500 American companies compete. Fortune 100 firms derive on average 28 percent of corporate revenue from non-U.S. business. In each market, these firms do battle with local, regional, and multinational rivals that offer local variants of their goods and services.
  • Localisation expenditures exert great leverage. Our research has shown that small expenditures of 2.5 percent and less of international revenues in research and development, documentation, marketing, and Web development enable companies to adapt products and services for six to ten international markets. This small outlay pales in comparison to the more than US$90 million Procter & Gamble spent merely advertising its Crest Whitestrips in the U.S. market in 2002.

To understand how companies with ambitions beyond their own markets think about and measure localisation efforts, in the fall of 2002 we conducted detailed interviews with 50 managers responsible for setting or implementing localisation strategy at U.S.-based organizations.

This group represented a healthy distribution of vertical markets including automotive, chemical, technology, pharmaceutical, publishing, hospitality, and retail. Since that time we have periodically plumbed the user community, through both surveys and consulting engagements, to understand whether their situation had changed.

We found that it had not. The economic slowdown from 2001 to 2003 caused a hiccup in website translation efforts at many companies, thus extending the usefulness of data obtained from this focus group well beyond the one-year window we typically expect. In our discussion of this sample, we note differences between this 2002 sample and subsequent interviews across these markets.

In 2002 we had heard enough dismal tales from translation agencies to wonder aloud whether comprehensive localisation was an issue — or last year’s news. But instead of hearing about huge budget cuts and much diminished website translation activity, we were heartened to learn that practitioners accelerated their work to localise products, services, documentation, call centres, and Web sites.

In the 2002 sample, 57 percent of interviewees said that they were spending more in 2002 than in 2001; another 19 percent told us that their spending held its ground from the previous year.

By autumn 2003, the pendulum had swung again, with spending plans somewhat down. By mid-year 2004, our conversations with buyers and vendors pointed to another upswing that continued through 2005.

We believe that the 2002 increase was due to postponed investment in localisation, while 2003 reflected a period of project review and development. While it is too early to predict its longevity, we think the uptick that began in mid-2004 resulted from an improvement in general business conditions and an increasing realization of the strategic importance of creating a more global product line. In fact, we often hear statements along the following lines.

“We increased spending 60 percent over last year, mostly due to a push to localize more products. We have to translate more documentation and user interfaces to get deeper into current customers’ organizations and to penetrate smaller firms.” [Equipment Manufacturer]

“There’s been a dramatic increase in spending over the last year; at least 20 to 25 percent. I can attribute part of the increase to greater global need for localized products and a raised executive awareness.” [Consumer Products (Durables)]

At almost all companies with active localisation and translation teams including both Korean to English and English to Korean, we found that whether spending was up, down, or flat, every firm had a mandate to do more work. Our respondents pointed to many reasons for this change, including increased executive attention to global competition, international marketing, ramping up global customer relationship management, internal reorganizations, and product or company acquisitions.

“While we’re spending less money on localisation, we’re spending a lot more time on it. We have been expanding internationally also in Korea at a much-accelerated rate and have found a lot of competition. Our competitors are pushing us toward more localised product.” [Food & Beverage Services]

Korean translation of video clips – academic aspects of humour

Humour, Korean translation and video translation are three fields of Korean translation study which have favoured different peaks of academic interest and epistemological development throughout the times. Both Humour Studies and Video Translation Studies are flourishing and challenging research interests within the broader scope of translation. Given that, Korean translation carried out in the visual field accounts for an increasingly large proportion of translation activity, and because of the hybrid and multidisciplinary nature of this field of research, one could almost speak of the existence of a new discipline within Translation Studies: Visual Translation Studies.

The primary purpose of this article is to contribute to the analysis of video translation of humour. Although video humour is the product of the interdependence of both visual and verbal elements, particular attention will be paid to linguistic exchanges in the subtitling of the feature film Bridget Jones’s Diary into Korean language, as released on DVD. One of the main objectives of the present work is to investigate the strategies implemented by Korean translators when having to subtitle humour on the screen.

In order to structure and organise the line of thought of this reflection, two subdivisions of analysis are put forward:

(1) the specificity of humour studies: a brief account;

(2) translating video humour: the search for relevance and equivalence.


I focus essentially on the second for the purpose of this work and, when pertinent, a brief account of the results of a short questionnaire given to Korean professional subtitlers is presented.
The questionnaire consisted of three open questions:

(1) Is there any special treatment in the allocation of comedy films among video professional Korean translators?

(2) How would you describe the ideal translator of visual comedy/humour?

(3) Can you point out the major difficulty (technical, linguistic, cultural . . .) when translating comedy and humour?


The questionnaire was distributed by email to 25 subtitling professionals and although only eight replies were received, these reflected a large agreement on all fronts in Korean translation.

Both humour and video translation have been the object of several revisions concerning their origins, conceptualisation, purpose, methodology and development as fields of study. Research into humour is not recent. In her seminal book, Chiaro states that ‘studies on humour and what makes people laugh are countless’. Indeed, throughout the centuries humour has been studied from innumerable perspectives: medical, anthropological, sociological, psychological, philosophical, historical, educational, linguistic, and so on. As a result, it is not surprising that a myriad of theories and approaches have emerged, justifying the use of the plural (theories of humour) instead of the singular form (a theory of humour).

Nowadays, the theories of humour are commonly divided into three broad families: the cognitive, the social and the psychoanalytical. While the cognitive family of humour deals with incongruity or contrast issues, the social family includes phenomena like hostility, aggression, superiority, triumph, derision and disparagement.

Finally, the psychoanalytical family of humour in Korean translation is concerned with release, sublimation, liberation and economy (mental energy) problems, and is related to the discharge of psychic energy which would instead be used to repress psychic activity.

Korean Translator Birmingham

A Korean Translator in Birmingham Summarises the Legislature of Korea

A Korean Translator in Birmingham Summarises the Legislature of Korea

We have an article by our Korean translator in Birmingham, Miss Lee explaining the legislature of Korea. The most content of the article are initially written for her research on Korean politics, and based on facts only. When it comes to Korean translation or Korean translators, who knows better than us? We are Korean specialists!

The Legislature of Korea

Legislative power is vested in the National Assembly, a unicameral legislature. The Assembly is composed of 273 members elected by popular vote for a four-year term. Assembly members elected by popular vote comprise five-sixths of membership with the remaining seats distributed proportionately among parties winning five seats or more in a direct election. The proportional representation system is aimed at appointing Assembly members who will represent national interests rather than local interests.



To be eligible for election, a candidate must be at least 25 years of age. By the way, our Korean translator in Korean translation Birmingham branch, Miss Lee is just over that age. One candidate from each electoral district is selected by a plurality of votes. An Assembly member is not held responsible outside the Assembly for any opinions expressed or votes cast in the legislative chamber. During a session of the Assembly, no Assembly member may be arrested or detained without consent of the Assembly except in the case of a flagrant criminal act.

In case of apprehension or detention of an Assembly member prior to the opening of a session, he must be released during the session upon the request of the Assembly. Two types of legislative sessions are provided for, regular and extraordinary. The regular session is convened once a year from September through December and extraordinary sessions may be convened upon the request of the President or one-fourth or more of the members of the Assembly. The period of a regular session is limited to 100 days, and that for an extraordinary session to 30 days. If the President requests the convening of an extraordinary session, he must clearly specify the period of the session and the reasons for the request.

Except as otherwise provided in the Constitution or law, the attendance of more than one half of the entire Assembly members, and the concurrent vote of more than one half of the Assembly members present, are necessary to make decisions of the National Assembly binding. In the case of a tie vote, the matter is considered to be rejected by the Assembly. Our Korean translator in Birmingham knows legislative meetings are open to the public, but this rule may be waived with the approval of more than one half of the members present or when the Speaker deems it necessary to do so in the interest of national security.

The National Assembly is vested with a number of functions under the Constitution, the foremost of which is making laws. Other functions of the Assembly include approval of the national budget, matters related to foreign policy, declaration of war, and the dispatch of armed forces abroad or the stationing of foreign forces within the country; inspecting or investigating specific matters of state affairs; and impeachment.

A motion for impeachment must be proposed by one-third or more of the membership of the Assembly. We all know in our Korean translation Birmingham branch that the vote of a majority of the Assembly is necessary to approve an impeachment motion. However, a motion for the impeachment of the President should be proposed by a majority of the total members of the Assembly, and approved by the concurrent vote of two-thirds or more of the entire membership. When an impeachment motion is passed by the National Assembly, the case is sent to the Constitutional Court for trial. The Assembly elects one Speaker and two Vice Speakers, who serve for two-year terms. The Speaker presides over plenary sessions and represents the legislature while supervising its administration. The Vice Speakers assist the Speaker and take the chair in his absence.

The Standing Committees of Korea

The Assembly maintains 16 standing committees with the following functional designations: House Steering; Legislation and Judiciary; National Policy; Finance and Economy; Unification, Foreign Affairs and Trade; National Defense; Government Administration and Local Autonomy; Education; Science, Technology, Information and Telecommunication; Culture and Tourism; Agriculture, Forestry, Maritime Affairs and Fisheries; Commerce, Industry and Energy; Health and Welfare; Environment and Labor; Construction and Transportation; and Intelligence, according to our Korean translator in Birmingham.

Chairmen of the standing committees are elected from among members of the respective committees. The number of members of a standing committee is determined by Assembly regulations. According to our Korean translator in Birmingham, The committee chairman is authorized to control the proceedings, maintain order, and represent the committee. Bills and petitions are referred to the standing committees for examination. The committees constitute the primary forum for reconciling differences between the ruling and opposition parties.

Under the present National Assembly Act, each political group having 20 or more Assembly members may form a negotiating group, which acts as a unit in inter-party Assembly negotiations. Assembly members without party affiliation can form a separate negotiation group if their number is 20 or more. The negotiating groups name floor leaders and whips, who are responsible for negotiating with other groups. The floor leaders discuss schedules for Assembly sessions and agenda items for plenary and committee meetings.

Contact us for a free quotation. We translate from English to Korean and from Korean to English. We are confident that you will be satisfied with our Korean translation services.

Korean Translation Sheffield

A Korean Translator in Sheffield Explains Earliest Years of Korea

A Korean Translator in Sheffield Explains Earliest Years of Korea

Our Korean translation Sheffield branch is very proud of our Korean translator, Mrs. Koh who did an excellent job in translating a massive 1000-page instruction manual this year. She describes how it was like in Korea about 2000 years ago.


Korean Translation Sheffield


The beginning of Korea dates back to 2333 B.C., when Dangun, the legendary son of the Heavenly God and a woman from a bear-totem tribe, established the first kingdom. Historians refer to this earliest era of Korean history as the Gojoseon (Ancient Joseon) period.  Ancient Korea was characterised by clan communities that combined to form small town-states according to our Korean translator. The town-states gradually united into tribal leagues with complex political structures, which eventually grew into kingdoms. Among various tribal leagues, Goguryeo (37 B.C.- A.D. 668), situated along the middle course of the Amnok River (Yalu), was the first to mature into a kingdom.

Goguryeo’s aggressive troops conquered neighboring tribes one after another, and in 313, they even occupied the Lo-long area in China. Baekje (18 B.C.-A.D. 660), which grew out of a town-state located south of the Hangang River in the vicinity of present-day Seoul, was another confederated kingdom similar to Goguryeo. During the reign of King Geunchogo (r. 346-375), Baekje developed into a centralised and aristocratic state. The Silla Kingdom (57 B.C.-A.D. 935) was located the furthest south on the peninsula, and was initially the weakest and most underdeveloped of the Three Kingdoms. However, because it was geographically removed from Chinese influence, it easily adopted foreign non-Chinese practices and ideas. Its society was markedly class-oriented and later developed the unique Hwarang (Flower of Youth) Corps as well as an advanced Buddhist practice.

By the mid-sixth century, the Silla Kingdom had brought under its control all of the neighboring Gaya Kingdoms, a group of fortified town-states that had developed in the southeastern region of the peninsula from the mid-first century to the mid-sixth century. The Silla also effected a military alliance with Tang China to subjugate the Goguryeo and Baekje Kingdoms. Subsequently, Silla fought against Tang China when the latter exposed its ambition to incorporate the territories of Goguryeo and Baekje.

Silla repelled the Chinese in 676. Then in 698, the former people of Goguryeo who resided in south-central Manchuria established the Kingdom of Balhae, which makes Mrs. Koh, our trusted Korean translator in Korean translation Sheffield branch. Balhae included not only people of Goguryeo, but also a large Malgal population. Our Korean translator in Sheffield is very proud of Balhae because it represented a fierce kingdom near China.

Balhae established a government system centered around five regional capitals, which was modeled after the Goguryeo Kingdom’s administrative structure. Balhae possessed an advanced culture which was rooted in that of Goguryeo. Balhae prosperity reached its height in the first half of the ninth century with the occupation of a vast territory reaching to the Amur river in the north and Kaiyuan in south-central Manchuria to the west. It also established diplomatic ties with Turkey and Japan. Balhae existed until 926, when it was overthrown by the Khitan. Then many of the ruling class, who were mostly Koreans, moved south and joined the newly founded Goryeo Dynasty.

Silla unified the Korean Peninsula in 668 and saw the zenith of their power and prosperity in the mid-eighth century. It attempted to establish an ideal Buddhist country. Bulguksa temple was constructed during the Unified Silla period. However, the state cult of Buddhism began to deteriorate as the nobility indulged in luxury. Also there was conflict among regional leaders who claimed authority over the occupied kingdoms of Goguryeo and Baekje. In 935, the king of Silla formally surrendered to the court of the newly founded Goryeo Dynasty.

Despite frequent foreign invasions, the Korean Peninsula has been ruled by a single government since the Silla unification in 668 while maintaining its political independence and cultural and ethnic heritage. Both the Goryeo (r. 918-1392) and the Joseon (r. 1392-1910) Dynasties consolidated their authority and flourished culturally, while repelling such intruders as the Khitans, Mongols and Japanese. The Goryeo Dynasty was founded by Wang Geon, a general who had served under a rebel prince of the Silla Kingdom. Choosing his native town of Songak (the present-day Gaeseong in North Korea) as the capital, Wang Geon proclaimed the goal of recovering the lost territory of the Goguryeo Kingdom in northeast China. according to our Korean translator in Korean translation Sheffield office.

He named his dynasty Goryeo, from which the modern name Korea is derived. Although the Goryeo Dynasty could not reclaim lost lands, it achieved a sophisticated culture represented by Cheongja or blue-green celadon and flourishing Buddhist tradition. No less significant was the invention of the world’s first movable metal type in 1234, which preceded Gutenberg by two centuries. About that time, Korean skilled artisans also completed the herculean task of carving the entire Buddhist canon on large woodblocks.

These woodblocks, numbering more than 80,000, were intended to invoke the influence of Buddha for the repulsion of the Mongol invaders. Called Tripitaka Koreana, they are now stored at the historic Haeinsa temple.

In its later years, the Goryeo Dynasty was weakened by internal struggles among scholar officials and warriors, and between Confucianists and Buddhists. The Mongol incursions that began in 1231, left Goryeo as a Mongol vassal state for nearly a century despite the courageous resistance from Goryeo’s people.

Korean Translator Glasgow

A Korean Translator Explains Plant and Animal Life in Korea

Our Korean translator in Korean translation Glasgow branch, Mr. Park wrote us an article about Korea’s plant and animals.

The Korean Peninsula has been settled, farmed, and moved across for thousands of years. Even though the landscape is only about one-fifth arable (land that can be farmed), the hallmarks of active settlement are clearly apparent in almost all prospects. The inventory of flora and fauna has been widely modified by the peninsula’s corridor role in the ever-shifting interaction between the Asian continent and the Japanese archipelago (chain of islands). According Mr. Park, our professional Korean translator, there used to be a fauna of bears, lynx, tigers, and leopards, these particular animals have become very rare. Deer and wild boar remain, but they have a steady struggle in staying free of the influence of expanding settlements.

Korean Translator Glasgow

As all of us here in Korean translation Glasgow team know well, South Korea is approximately 20 percent farmland with most of that located on the river plains and the lower elevation gradients of the Southern and Southwestern Plains that slope toward the Sea of Japan. The forest cover is a mix of coniferous trees and broadleaf subtropical forests. Because the peninsula of Korea extends across nine degrees of latitude (about 625 miles, or 1,006 kilometers) from Cheju Island in the south to the Yalu River in the north, there is considerable variation in the flora from north to south.

The landscape of Cheju Island in the Sea of Japan is the richest in variety. The most common trees include pine, maple, oak, larch, spruce, elm, willow, alder, birch, poplar, and bamboo. We could have written those names in Romanised forms, but it will make your head spin. Instead we used out Korean translation expertise. In addition, the country has an active orchard industry on the flatlands and mountain flanks, with the most important tree crops being apple, pear, peach, orange, tangerine, fig, and in the far south, the Chinese quince. These crops have been significant both to the domestic economy and for export trade to the lucrative Japanese market.

Fauna, as noted above, have diminished in number because of steadily expanding zones of human occupation of the Korean landscape, our Korean translator tell us. However, more than 350 species of birds have been recorded in South Korea. The heron, a spindly legged tall bird with a long narrow beak has been a focus in Korean poetry and paintings. Our Korean translator believes that it continues to be a landmark found on the southeast coast of the country. This bird is so important to the idealized images of South Korea that the government has established eight heronries for the breeding and protection of this elegant white bird.

The large mammals that remain a part of the Korean fauna in the south include the tiger, leopard, lynx—in small numbers—and the cat, wolf, badger, bear, marten, and roe deer. In everyday life, these animals are not easily found, but in a country that has a level of living that is improving and supporting ever more tourism, the maintenance of the environments that sustain all of these animals and birds becomes economically as well as environmentally more important every year.

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